Merci beaucoup Madame la Présidente, Carole Chouinard. Je voudrais aussi saluer M. Goldy Hyder pour initier cette invitation aujourd’hui.

C’est un honneur pour moi d’être parmi vous et de partager la table d’honneur avec des amis tels que Son Excellence Karel De Beer, l’Ambassadeur du Royaume des Pays Bas et Lieutenant-General Andrew Leslie, Chef d’État-major de l’Armée de Terre du Canada et d’autres collègues distingues.

I am also happy to meet again with Mr. Derek Burney, a distinguished Canadian, who as a member of the Independent Panel on Canada's Future Role in Afghanistan, helped shape a historic Canadian decision about the mission following an exhaustive study earlier this year with the other four members of the Manley panel, providing valuable insight and a non-partisan outlook about the Canadian role in Afghanistan.

I want to thank all of you for your friendship and your hard work. Indeed, the Netherlands is an important donor with considerable security and reconstruction contributions in the province of Uruzgan, more or less along the same lines as the Canadian mission in the neighboring province of Kandahar.

It was at one of your gatherings last year in February when Prime Minister Stephen Harper presented a Canadian rationale and said: “In Afghanistan we will continue working with the United Nations and our allies to strengthen international stability and security, and we will continue speaking clearly and openly on the international scene to uphold the fundamental values of the Canadian people and of all civilized peoples: freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.”

I want to tell you that Afghans very much appreciate Canadian contributions as much as we appreciate the constructive engagement of all the nations that are part of this peace-building operation, in addition to the critical help provided by countries that are generously investing in Afghanistan’s social and economic development programmes. And every time a soldier or civilian falls, we mourn with you. In life as in death, we share many human bonds and sentiments, all for the sake of peace, freedom and hope for a better future. Those are the high values for which they will be remembered.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I want to spend a few minutes talking to you about the road ahead; I will try to describe the core objectives of this journey, and how and when we may be able to reach our destination? The core areas I would like to touch upon deal with issues on the security, development and governance fronts. However, this journey will not only necessitate strong cooperation and coordination amongst the fellow travelers, but will also require a roadmap and all the tools and means to deal with potential troubles and obstacles along the way.

Let us not kid ourselves though, as we have learned over the past few years, there are no magical formulas or straight forward answers to some of the challenges we face. Building upon the gains we have made thus far, this journey, which in large part consists of rebuilding a state, governmental and non-governmental institutions and parts of the socio-political and economic foundations, is in need of re-calibrated strategies, adequate resources and human capital if we are to make a difference. It cannot be a quick and on the cheap proposition.

While it is imperative that we reach our destination, we should remind ourselves that the history of post-conflict reconstruction has shown that such exercises will need time and may not succeed if we do not seek realistic and sustainable solutions backed by political determination.

Security is challenged in different ways. The insurgents, who use terror tactics, not only threaten your men and women, but also every Afghan who seeks a normal and peaceful life. Their goal is to re-impose Taliban-style totalitarian rule over Afghans by turning the clock backward, shutting down schools and re-incarcerating women, and recreating a launch-pad for terrorist adventurism.

Those who want to subvert the Afghan people’s wish to rebuild their country, or our desire to build a functioning democracy and civil society, or those who are intent on terrorizing the population from their trans-border bases and safe havens, or bent on exporting their brand of violence to other nations, cannot be part of a solution.

However, those who are willing to give up on violence and accept the constitutional order, or those with a grievance or economic need that can be addressed, know that the door for contacts are open, as demonstrated by the willingness of more than 5000 such individuals, who have already chosen peace over violence and destruction. The reconciliation programme needs to be expanded, but let it be clear that such efforts are led by Afghan authorities that will seek outside support whenever necessary through a UN-NATO-Afghan government coordinated process.

The build up of the Afghan National Army, which now stands at more than 75000 trained, and national police, is the guarantor for a stable future. However, we also need to focus on mentoring and providing adequate equipment for the forces, in the same manner that we are now improving better quality of training and capabilities of the national police. Despite acts of random attack, we believe that we can take responsibility for the security of Kabul by fall of this year and gradually assume responsibility for other regions in the future.

However, NATO troops, without exception, should continue to peacefully engage the local communities alongside Afghan authorities to provide them with immediate needs and listen to their views to better understand the local conditions that may defer from one district to another. The intent is for the military to create safe spaces that enable development work to take place. Development work in turn should not only be part of a larger strategy to build infrastructure and boost means of livelihood, especially in the agri-business sector, but also fund projects that provide skills and create jobs, monitored and regulated by Afghan institutions. If Afghan authorities are bypassed, then we are inadvertently creating a new set of issues that could increase political trust and credibility risks.

This brings us to a central question dealing with the ability and capacity of institutions to perform and deliver as viable entities. Collectively we have done a poor job of building up capacities and reforming institutions in a comprehensive manner. The police sector is not the only sore point. The judiciary and mid-level managerial and administrative sectors are also suffering. If not resolved with short to long-term solutions, this weak link in terms of governance and human capital could prove to be our Achilles heel.

It is trendy these days to hammer away at Afghanistan’s corruption problems. While keeping in mind that like any other social and economic disease, this is a global phenomenon with no boundaries, we are acknowledging its existence and are not shying away from tackling the challenge head on.

What we do need however is to work together to empower the Afghan law enforcement and judicial institutions to enforce the laws, starting at the highest levels of alleged perpetrators. On the other hand, the low-level corruption that is fed as a result of low salaries and disparate economic conditions should be handled differently. It would not be fair to victimize those who are already victims of poverty and lack of opportunity.

In order to strengthen governance at the sub-national levels, the government recently established the Independent Directorate for Local Governance, a vetting initiative that helps us recruit more competent and accountable officials.

There is obviously a direct linkage between the prevalent poppy and narcotics business interests and some aspects of corruption. According to the latest figures released this week, there are now about 20 provinces in the north, east, northeast and central regions that are poppy-free, up from 16 in 2007.

As you know, the struggle against poppy cultivation can succeed through increased security, better governance and, more importantly, a comprehensive programme to help the farmers with measures such as alternative livelihoods and rural development. While realizing that the Taliban take a cut from the drug business, we also need to combat the diffused network of drug trade in the region and beyond that is sustaining the drug economy in Afghanistan. All of these measure may take up to 10 years to make a difference.

We are eager to see more emphasis on civilian protection measures, effective aid and development delivery strategies, and enhanced coordination at all levels. Consequently, we will all be better served by a more coherent and cohesive approach that involves the United Nations, the Afghan Government and all major stakeholders by keeping the focus on the attainable goals agreed to in the Afghanistan Compact and the newly revised Afghan National Development Strategy.

Let me take a minute of your time and provide some insight into the ANDS pillars and cross cutting issues: The main pillars consist of 1. Security, 2. Governance, rule of law and human rights and 3. Economic and social development. The cross cutting issues are counter-narcotics, anti-corruption, capacity development, gender equity, environment and regional cooperation.

On this last issue of importance I want to add that the security threats we face have region-wide implications and that can only be addressed effectively by region-wide cooperation. The Government’s key priorities are: (i) to increase and deepen Afghanistan’s participation and leadership in bilateral and region-wide initiatives and agreements that facilitate transit, transport, and investment in the region; (ii) to promote cross-border initiatives for the equitable exploitation of shared resources of hydro power; (iii) to facilitate the voluntary return of refugees; and (iv) extend regional cooperation on border management to better align efforts against organized cross-border crimes, such as trafficking in drugs and weapons. The Government recognizes that it cannot achieve its goals with regards to improving security without close cooperation from regional partners, particularly Pakistan.

This document, which will be presented at the upcoming Paris Conference on aid to Afghanistan next month will build upon the Compact, avoiding some of the pitfalls and focus on making aid more effective through enhanced coordination and planning.

Donors will not only have an occasion to pledge and fill some existing funding gaps, but also work with us to channel more aid through the regulated trust funds and budgetary cycles that help the Afghan government improve its efficiency and delivery mechanisms.

Afghans expect to see tangible changes, and are asking for quality roads, electricity, clean water, healthcare and a relatively clean and functioning administration among. However, reconstruction has been an under-sourced operation. The aid allocated over the last six years amounts to little less than $80 per capita per year, compared to $275 for Bosnia and $248 for East Timor.

As reiterated by the new UNSG special envoy to Afghanistan, aid effectiveness will require strong coordination with all sides involved, and we welcome the emphasis to reduce poverty and create opportunities for Afghans.

Security and development go hand in hand forming the core of the mission, and I want to stress that Canada, like several other donors, has adopted a principled position to help us, using a whole of government approach, in different fields.

We appreciate the fact that you work closely and listen to Afghans at the community, district, provincial and national levels to mitigate problems, evaluate needs and deliver services with a better understanding of the complex and shifting environment that surrounds us all. Canada ranks very high on the aid delivery index through the national budget, and we thank you for setting a great example.

We would also like to work with you on addressing more focused approaches through larger-scale initiatives that not only help implement pieces of the National Strategy, but also connect us to the NGO community and private sector. As demonstrated, for example by the Agha Khan Development programmes, the vehicle for sustainable, community driven initiatives should involve the donor, alongside the national partner, the NGO and the private sector.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I remember back in September of 2005, just weeks before the Canadian deployment to Kandahar, then Minister of Defence Bill Graham told your audience in Ottawa: “Canadians should be under no illusion, Kandahar is a very complex, challenging and dangerous environment and mission. The part of Afghanistan we are going to is among the most unstable and dangerous in the country. Indeed, that is why we have been asked to go, and why we are going there.”

Depuis 2002, grâce a la présence militaire canadienne et votre aide au développement qui dépasse $1.3 milliard jusqu’en 2011, votre pays non seulement fait partie des efforts de l’OTAN, mais aussi d’une opération multilatérale des Nations Unis, pour maintenir la sécurité et nous aider a reconstruire l’Afghanistan.

Si nous considérons mon pays, ayant des institutions faibles et une économie détruite après presque 25 ans de conflit, un état fragile mais en voie de développement, nous pouvons aussi constate qu’en dépit des progrès substantiels qui ont été accomplis, la menace des extrémistes est aussi réelle, surtout dans un tiers du pays, ou ils terrorisent la population afin de déstabiliser le gouvernement et chasser les forces de l’Otan.

Mais comme le Président Karzai l’a souligne a plusieurs reprise, l'Afghanistan a besoin de l'engagement ferme, a long terme et multiforme de la communauté internationale pour devenir un pays stable et prospère. Aujourd'hui, l'Afghanistan est vraiment à un tournant de son histoire. Nous ne pouvons pas accepte un échec stratégique.

Let us not forget that Afghanistan remains one of the poorest countries in the world and over two decades of war brought the country’s economy and civil society to its knees. However, as a group of NGO recently said, “the Afghan people have a great strength; a dignity in their lives, and a pride in their culture.” I would add that an average Afghan family is no different than any other family anywhere else in terms of their aspirations and dreams.

In order to reach this dream, I will refer to the strategy paper agreed upon at the NATO summit recently where it is hoped and stated that: “extremism and terrorism will no longer pose a threat to stability; Afghan National Security Forces will be in the lead and self-sufficient; and the Afghan Government will be able to extend the reach of good governance, reconstruction, and development throughout the country to the benefit of all its citizens.”

I am sure that we will make that dream come true.

Thank you very much for your attention.