Honorable membres du Comité Permanent des Affaires Etrangères et du Développement International, merci pour cette invitation et merci pour organiser une heure de conversation et de discussions avec un Afghan. Je pense que ca peut toujours être utile de temps en temps d’engager des afghans qui on vécut l’histoire contemporaine de leurs pays et qui ont aussi dédié une grande partie de leurs efforts à aborder les problèmes d’Afghanistan. Je vous en suis reconnaissant.

I am going to use my time to highlight the strategic imperatives and what I call the critical human factors of the Afghan case. Afghanistan is a country with a “recovering state” that wants to put behind the “failed state” mode it encountered over a 25 year period of instability, conflict and destruction, some of which was caused by factors beyond the Afghan reach.

We are in the process of rebuilding a state within a strong and traditional nation. We are in the process of building peace, a constitutional order based on democratic principles according to Afghan wishes, a functioning economy and civil society, and a foundation for human rights and rule of law. To do so the international community has joined hands and committed itself to helping us provide security and protection, build institutions and strengthen capacities, and fund social and economic development work under a United Nations mandate. The Afghanistan Compact of 2006 became the binding blueprint for achieving defined benchmarks and timelines by 2011. Your country is a major contributor towards several of the Compact benchmarks, a fact that all Canadians can take pride in.

This process also includes internal and external counter currents that create obstacles and challenges that seek to halt progress, disrupt the strategy, instill fear and use various tactics to create the conditions in Afghanistan and in contributing countries for failure or an alternative course that suits their strategic goals.

What is clear to us Afghans though is that we do NOT seek regression or a return to pre-2001 conditions. Afghans do not want to be ruled by ruthless oppressors. As your multicultural society clearly demonstrates, people have their differences in terms of traditions, history and cultural traits, but in today’s globalized world, Afghans are instinctively preoccupied with the same daily issues that preoccupy most of mankind and families across the globe at varying degrees of development.

As three different polls conducted across Afghanistan over the past three months demonstrates, most Afghans are relatively hopeful about their future. To encapsulate the findings, Afghans support their elected government and the presence of foreign troops, while they oppose the Taleban and do not want them to rule the country again.

Polls also suggest that Afghans are slightly less optimistic than a year ago, and are frustrated at the slow pace of reconstruction and security efforts, including mounting civilian casualties. Although 14,000 small and medium-scale projects have been on the board for implementation over the past five years, there is increasing dissatisfaction with the availability of jobs, roads and other infrastructure, clean water and electricity. Among other key findings almost 70% are critical of Pakistan for allowing the Taleban to operate, while 60% want the government to talk to willing Taleban, and the same numbers are opposed to growing poppies for opium. That explains why only 6% of the country’s arable land is used for poppy cultivation, mostly in the insurgent-infested South and East.

With few exceptions, Afghans are voicing their desire to move forward, seek new opportunities and a better life for their children by tackling the difficult challenges that we face, and to do so with vision, a long-term perspective and in partnership with countries such as yours, whose support and sacrifices we honor very much.

Currently, we are facing increasing violence and brutality on the part of radical groups with support bases inside and outside the country who are using asymmetric warfare in the form of suicide attacks, IEDs, beheadings and bombings to disrupt the rebuilding process.

Some do it for narrow ideological reasons, others for financial interests entangled with the drug business, while there are some who are in need of an income or are dissatisfied with the authorities. We are also faced with an economic surge that has not reached all regions and all people. We also face weak institutions and government services mixed with corruption and a dysfunctional judiciary that will take time to reform.

The enemy is exploiting all these fault-lines, while we attempt to maintain our equilibrium.

Being in a fragile state, one cannot always expect quick fixes and immediate solutions that can satisfy all stakeholders, domestic and foreign. Given Afghan conditions, the rebuilding process is a long-term mission with many pitfalls along the way, and will require statesmanship, strong political will, sacrifice, leadership skills, perseverance and sustainable support to attain its objectives.

In addition, we realize that the military component is a critical part of the equation, but not necessarily the only option for a final outcome. That is why Canada and other partners have adopted a multi-prong approach to dealing with all aspects of the situation on the ground. However, we cannot ignore the fact that security and relative stability are pre-requisites for the successful implementation of sustainable development. Better coordination and management of the daunting tasks at all levels are equally important.

We cannot separate Afghanistan and the region in which it is situated from strategic considerations in the same manner that we cannot ignore the human protection and human security responsibilities.

We cannot ignore the global security concerns and threats that are embedded in my region without looking at the issues of education, and the plight of women and children, and human rights.

We cannot take for granted the ideological and radicalization challenges we face without addressing poverty levels and reliance on poppy cultivation in poverty-stricken areas, as well as the possibility of welcoming and accepting those Afghans who give up on violence and seek a constructive role.

As you can see honorable members, Afghanistan is not a uni-dimensional matter, nor is it an isolated concern. It cannot be defined in simplistic, sound bite terms, since we are dealing with a serious and complex matter of strategic importance. And I have to say that Canada is fortunately engaged at the most critical levels, and adjusting well to the dynamic environment. Canadians in civil and military affairs in Afghanistan are indeed serving a noble cause and deserve all the support you give them.

We all need to contemplate for a minute what the consequences of failure would mean to Afghans, to the region, to the forces of oppression and to those in the family of nations who are invested in blood and in kind?

What message do we send to friend and foe? What legacy do we leave behind for today’s children and future generations? What does it mean to multilateralism and post-conflict engagement, and what does it mean in terms of civilizational and cross cultural relations?

I am happy to see that a prominent independent panel of Canadians is carefully studying the case with the task of providing you and all Canadians with balanced recommendations that will help your nation decide its future role in my country.

Whatever the decision, I urge you beforehand to contemplate strategically, using broad analysis and a grand perspective.

De nouveau, merci pour cette occasion que vous m’aviez offerte et je serais ravi de repondre a vos questions.