In the past few days, as pitched battles take place to liberate Taliban-occupied districts in southern Afghanistan, during which precious lives have been lost to uphold higher principles, thought-provoking comments are being made in political circles about Afghanistan and the Canadian role there. Obviously, everyone is fully entitled to their views and the continued debate is healthy. But when it comes to addressing complex Afghan political dynamics and presenting new formulas, one should do so with a solid reading of Afghan history and an acute appreciation for the realities on the ground.

Pulling out of Afghanistan, or abandoning the peace-building policies that ensure my country won't return to its pre-9/11 failing-state status, is tantamount to capitulating to terrorist groups. That is not acceptable to Afghans. The world turned its back on Afghanistan in the 1990s once it lost its strategic Cold War significance, and this helped to turn it into a haven for extremists and terrorists. It would be a strategic blunder if the debate about the country's future became a proxy ideological battleground.

We are not losing in Afghanistan. We are successfully preventing a resurgence of extremist forces in order to provide better opportunities for millions of poor people. The Afghan case is not a mediation case between two contending factions. Simplifying the context by calling for peace talks between an elected government and heavily-armed gangs of militant school-burners, drug-runners and suicide-attackers will not resolve the immediate challenges in southern Afghanistan. It might make it worse for everyone in the longer term if we allow serious human rights violators, terrorist agents and fanatics with a very poor governance record to return to power. The past 20 years have shown that theories about peacekeeping and hollow peace talks that are not backed by real commitments to stabilize and rebuild a failing state do not work well in Afghanistan, or anywhere for that matter.

The Afghan government has for the past three years left the door open for unarmed Taliban and other militants to join the peace program.

Thousands have accepted; others, affiliated with international terrorism and drug mafias, are not inclined to accept anything short of a return to Taliban rule and practices. Meanwhile, the people of Afghanistan have overwhelmingly rejected Talibanism and their foreign support network that includes al-Qaeda. They do not want to see a return of terrorist training camps or a takeover of their country by these elements, as was the case five years ago. As demonstrated by two national elections held in the past two years, our people have made a conscious choice to move forward not backwards, to strengthen constitutional and democratic institutions, not an extremist worldview, and to improve their socio-economic conditions, not to return to days of destitution and despair.

These objectives are achievable even in the southern and eastern tiers of Afghanistan, where attacks are more prevalent. Contrary to ill-founded views that this is the U.S. President's war, and in spite of the fact that Afghans were resisting the terrorist regime alone before 9/11, the international community is constructively involved in Afghanistan at the request of the Afghan people, and under a United Nations mandate. There was no argument establishing the links between the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan in 2001. Since then, more than 70 nations have committed billions of dollars of aid and security assistance to help us restore stability, and help rebuild the country.

We are grateful for this tremendous show of support for peace-building in Afghanistan.

While the rest of Afghanistan is experiencing relative normalcy after three decades of turmoil, the provinces adjacent to the tribal regions between Afghanistan and Pakistan are targets of terrorist and insurgent attacks by a force of new and former Taliban and foreign militants.

Using terror-like tactics, these infiltrating insurgents, hold villagers hostage, threaten or bribe farmers, kill teachers, doctors, clerics, tribal leaders, aid workers, road-builders, and oppress women and schoolgirls. In the process, they also attack NATO and Afghan army forces to influence Western evening news reports and prevent us from creating an environment conducive to better economic and security conditions.

One of their tactics is to weaken the international community's resolve by forcing only one alternative: accepting their terms or running the risk of more attacks. To this end, the use of political manipulation is widespread.

The solution lies in denying these armed gangs of extremists and drug lords sanctuaries, arms, training and funding, which would, in turn, help protect civilians, safeguard NATO troops and start reconstruction in earnest. Protecting the civilians and providing developmental aid that is needed to revitalize the licit economy within secure areas will prevent the insurgency from taking root, especially in the south-eastern infiltration crescent.

Politicians with thought-provoking observations may or may not agree that this is the most effective and durable means of helping the Afghan people, and we welcome the debate. But, all along, has Canada's involvement in Afghanistan over the past five years not been about security, poverty reduction and human rights? Afghans think it has, and the record speaks for itself.

When tragedy strikes, we all mourn the victims, including Canadians, and express our gratitude and pride for their invaluable services to mankind. Afghans are very much appreciative of the continued help to provide better opportunities for millions of deprived people, to rebuild a shattered nation, and combat the forces that threaten human and world security. Two generations of Afghans were lost to war; we owe it to new generations the world over to provide them with a safer and brighter future.