In this bulletin:

• Civilian deaths fuel Afghan outrage
• UN chief urges military in Afghanistan to avoid civilian casualties
• Afghan rights body urges cut in foreign air raids
• Gunmen kill Afghan education director
• West looks at "law and order," Afghan-style
• Ban to attend Rome moot on rule of law in Afghanistan
• Legislators slam U.S. for sidelining ex-mujahedeen
• Iran 'baring its teeth' in Afghanistan, officials say
• Netherlands ponders extending Afghanistan mission
• Downer pledges extra $7m to Afghanistan
• Pakistan Closes Two Camps for Afghan Refugees
• Afghanistan lifts ban on Pak vehicles' entry
• Taliban on the march in NWFP: Interior Ministry
• Two injured as bomb goes off in Peshawar
• Lal Masjid mullahs warn Musharraf
• Commentator says Pakistan needs democracy to fight Talebanization
• Editorial: Focus on Pak-Afghan relations
• Bomber’s End: Flash of Terror, Humble Grave

Civilian deaths fuel Afghan outrage

By Andrew Buncombe, Asia Correspondent - The Independent (UK) / Published: 02 July 2007

More than 100 people, nearly half of them Afghan civilians, were killed in Nato air strikes against the Taliban this weekend, an investigation by local officials in Helmand province has concluded.

The civilian deaths are just the latest incident of so-called collateral damage to have occurred in recent weeks - a pattern that even foreign troops admit is rapidly undermining efforts to establish some sort of security in the country and win the support and loyalty of local people.

The assessment of Saturday's pre-dawn air strike in the Gereshk district came from the mayor and police chief, who said that 62 Taliban militants had died during the attacks as well as 45 ordinary Afghans including women, children and the elderly. President Hamid Karzai said this weekend that it was "difficult for us to accept or understand" what had happened .

He has repeatedly called on US, Nato and Taliban forces to do more to prevent civilian casualties, warning that "Afghan life is not cheap and it should not be treated as such". And he has ordered foreign forces to co-ordinate military operations with the Afghan government. "From now on, they have to work the way we ask them to work in here."

Concerns about the impact the fighting is having on civilians, especially children, has been growing since clashes increased after the spring thaws.

Such appeals appear to have had little impact on the operations of Nato's International Security Assistance Force [Isaf] or the US military's Operation Enduring Freedom, both of which are supposed to co-ordinate their actions with the Afghan authorities but often appeared to act unilaterally.

Isaf has previously admitted there was a problem with the number of civilians being killed. But after this latest incident officials disputed the Afghan total. Major John Thomas, an Isaf spokesman told the Associated Press: "We don't mean to trivialise any of those who died but we want to make it clear that we believe the numbers are a dozen or less."

He blamed the Taliban for the civilian deaths, saying: "It's the enemy fighters who willingly fire when civilians are right next to them."

The deaths occurred after fighting late on Friday. Helmand's provincial police chief Mohammad Hussein said Taliban fighters had tried to ambush a joint US-Afghan military convoy and then fled to the village of Hyderabad to take cover.

UN chief urges military in Afghanistan to avoid civilian casualties

Mon Jul 2, GENEVA (AFP) - UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on Monday said he had delivered a "strong" appeal to military commanders in Afghanistan to avoid civilian casualties.

"I'm still very much concerned and saddened by this continuing violence and particuarly by the civilian casualties," Ban said ahead of a meeting in Rome with NATO and Afghan leaders on conditions in war-battered Afghanistan.

The UN chief made a fleeting visit to Kabul on Friday for talks with President Hamid Karzai and with the commander of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF).

"I have made a strong request to the Afghan leaders as well as military commanders to avoid civilian casualties during the course of their military operations," Ban said in a news conference in Geneva.

Ban is due to meet Karzai and NATO Secretary General Jaap De Hoop Scheffer in Rome on Tuesday for two days of talks, UN spokeswoman Marie Heuze said.

More than 20 delegations are also expected to attend the UN-sponsored negotiations on Afghanistan's beleaguered justice system, including representatives from the World Bank, the European Union, the United States, and Italy.

The rising Taliban-linked unrest has claimed the lives of about 1,000 civilians over the year with the government and its foreign partners unable to bring security or rule of law, the human rights group Amnesty International said in May.

Village elders in southern Afghanistan said Sunday they had recovered the bodies of 45 civilians, mostly women and children, killed in foreign air strikes last week.

However, NATO, which is under pressure over civilian casualties, said it believed fewer than a dozen villagers and a "significant number" of Taliban were killed in Friday's bombardment in the southern province of Helmand.

Afghan rights body urges cut in foreign air raids

By Sayed Salahuddin - Mon Jul 2, KABUL (Reuters) - Air strikes by foreign forces in Afghanistan have recently killed more civilians than the Taliban and the U.S.-led operation should cut them back, an Afghan rights group said on Monday.

Instead, NATO and U.S.-led coalition troops battling the Taliban and other insurgents should boost the number of their foot soldiers -- already numbering nearly 50,000, Afghanistan's Independent Human Rights Commission said.

In the latest incident involving civilian fatalities, Afghan officials said on the weekend that 45 civilians were killed in an air strike in the south of the country.

The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) said the toll from the pre-dawn raid was much lower.

The rising toll on civilians is proving a major irritant for President Hamid Karzai whose government is under fire for rampant corruption, growing insecurity and lack of economic development.

Civilian deaths caused by foreign forces have sparked protests demanding the expulsion of foreign troops and Karzai's resignation. "Air operations have killed more civilians than Taliban," Nader Nadery, a commissioner with the rights group told Reuters.

"Certainly, reduction of air operations decreases civilian deaths for it is difficult to distinguish between military and non-military people."

Foreign forces concede some civilian deaths but argue the Taliban are using civilians as human shields. Critics say they are not doing enough to minimize casualties among ordinary people.

Nearly seven years after the Taliban was overthrown in the wake of the September 11 attacks on the United States, the fundamentalist Islamic group has regained strength and is engaged in daily clashes with foreign troops.

Karzai, who was handpicked by Western powers after the Taliban's removal and was elected in 2004, has repeatedly urged foreign forces to better coordinate operations with his government.

He has warned that civilian deaths would have bad consequences for his government. A leading state-controlled paper highlighted Karzai's warning on Monday.

"Repetition of such mistakes and occurrence of such events not only puts under question the credibility of the government, but also leads to the failure in the war against terrorism," the Anis daily said.

Gunmen kill Afghan education director

Mon Jul 2, KHOST, Afghanistan (AFP) - Unidentified gunmen assassinated a deputy education chief in eastern Afghanistan Monday, police said, in the latest attack on the country's schools system.

Sayed Usman Hussaini was on his way to work in Khost province when he was shot and killed, police spokesman Wazir Badshah told AFP. A friend accompanying him was wounded, he said.

He "was assassinated by enemies of learning and education," the interior ministry said in a statement.

The police did not blame any particular group for the murder but similar attacks have been attributed to the Taliban movement which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2001, when it was toppled from power.

"The attackers have fled the area. Hussaini did not have any enmity with anyone. This could be the work of enemies of Afghanistan," said Badshah.

A Taliban spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid, denied his group's involvement in the assassination. "This is not our work, we don't do this," he said.

At least 85 students and teachers were killed last year in incidents blamed on insurgents, who also torched 187 schools, Education Minister Mohammad Hanif Atmar said in April.

West looks at "law and order," Afghan-style

By Phil Stewart /  July 1, 2007 - ROME (Reuters) - The leaders of the United Nations, NATO and Afghanistan gather in Rome this week for a conference aimed at shoring up Kabul's "law and order" agenda, even as the nation slips deeper into conflict.

Widespread corruption and violent crime in Afghanistan are feeding disillusionment with the government of Western-leaning President Hamid Karzai, nearly seven years since U.S.-led forces removed the Taliban from power.

There is also growing outrage over civilian killings -- a theme off the official agenda, but one which is expected to be raised at least privately after as many as 45 civilians died on Saturday in a U.S.-led air strike.

The July 2-3 "Conference on the Rule of Law in Afghanistan" is meant to map out a strategy -- particularly a financing strategy -- to address the perceived failings of Afghan justice.

Beyond Karzai, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the conference will be attended by senior diplomats from more than 20 nations.

"The era of lawlessness and corruption and unprofessional police and an unreliable justice system must end," the U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan, Tom Koenigs, said in Kabul last month, looking ahead to the conference. "I am not satisfied with the progress made so far in the last three or five years."

Afghan police are poorly trained and ill equipped, and violent street crimes often go unpunished. Some criminals and drug barons in the world's leading producer of heroin are linked to former warlords who now serve inside the government.

According to lawyers at the International Development Law Organization (IDLO), day-to-day shortcomings for Afghan justice range from practicing lawyers who have never read the country's laws, to judges who jail women without legal reason.

"Many people in Afghanistan feel it is proper to prosecute a woman for running away from home ... They get prosecuted for this and get sent to prison," said Charles Jakosa, who ran an IDLO training program for prosecutors in Afghanistan.

"There is no provision under Afghan law that would provide for prosecuting someone for running away from home."

Jakosa also said there could be as few as 200 defence lawyers for the entire country, making it practically impossible to guarantee every suspect's right to an attorney.

The conference will involve a series of technical-level meetings on Monday. The plenary session begins on Tuesday with remarks by Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi, Ban and Karzai.

Ban to attend Rome moot on rule of law in Afghanistan

PakTribune 1 July 07 - NEW YORK: The UN secretary-general will visit Rome this to attend the Conference on the Rule of Law in Afghanistan, to be chaired by the world body and the Afghan and Italian governments.

On Ban Ki-moons two-week itinerary are Switzerland, Italy, Portugal, Belgium and the United Kingdom, according to a spokesperson for the United Nations.

Bans first stop will be Geneva, where he is slated to open a high-level portion of the annual month-long session of the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) on July 2.

Spokesperson Michele Montas informed reporters here the UN chief would travel from Geneva to Rome to attend the Conference on the Rule of Law in Afghanistan, scheduled for July 2-3.

The two-day conference is aimed at ensuring high-level political commitment to reform in Afghanistans justice sector, endorsing a donor action plan and institutionalising coordinated mechanisms between the judiciary and the police.

Apart from the UN chief, Afghan President Hamid Karzai and NATO Secretary-General Jaap De Hoop Scheffer are also expected to attend the conference.

Ban will return to Geneva for the Global Compact Leaders Summit slated July 5-6, billed as the largest gathering ever held by the UN on the issue of corporate citizenship. He will then proceed to Portugal.

The whirlwind trip will also take the secretary-general to Brussels, where he will attend the first meeting of the Global Forum on Migration and Development, hosted by the Belgian government.

Ban will also pay an official visit to the United Kingdom before returning to New York on July 12, Ms. Montas concluded.

Legislators slam U.S. for sidelining ex-mujahedeen

The Washington Times / June 30, 2007 - By Andy Zieminski

A delegation of Afghan legislators and security specialists in Washington this week pressed the United States to include more ex-mujahedeen in the government as a way of improving the fast-deteriorating security situation in the Asian country.

The biggest mistakes the United States made after taking control of Afghanistan in 2001 was to disband the mujahedeen-dominated national army and to label the Afghans who fought against the Soviet occupation in the 1980s as warlords and human rights abusers, according to the delegation.

And with Afghanistan spinning out of control, the U.S. and international troops in the country are paying the price today, they said yesterday in an interview with The Washington Times. Taliban fighters have recently stepped up their attacks on U.S. and NATO forces by implementing Iraq-style suicide and roadside bombings.

"America didn't know its friends from its enemies," said Gen. Alhaj Mohammad Almas Zahid, a former mujahedeen commander and now a member of parliament. "At that time, the army was mostly mujahedeen and they have been very slow to establish a new one. That gave al Qaeda and the Taliban years of free movement. That is why they are so strong now."

The Afghan delegation met with members of Congress and officials from the departments of State and Defense to warn of the growing "gap between the freedom fighters and the U.S. presence" in Afghanistan, which has come about largely as a result of the decision to replace many ex-mujahedeen in government and military positions with officials who had once cooperated with the Soviet-backed regime, according to the delegation.

"The U.S. policy in Afghanistan has not been up to the Afghan people. .... This created a gap between the Afghan freedom fighters and the international forces," said Fazal Azeem Mujadadi, a senior government official on national security.

Winning back the support of the mujahedeen is crucial to the future stability of Afghanistan, Gen. Zahid said, because nearly everybody in the country was either a member of the movement or had a relative who was.

Backed by the United States with aid and weapons, they fought against the Soviet troops in Afghanistan throughout the 1980s. The mujahedeen eventually drove the Soviets out before turning on each other in tribal wars before the Taliban took control.

Gen. Zahid dropped out of the 11th grade when the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan and "grabbed his gun" to fight them. He and the 1,500 troops he later commanded were among the first to enter Kabul in the war to topple the Taliban after the September 11 attacks on the United States.

Gen. Zahid, who has since been elected to parliament, sees the security situation in Afghanistan deteriorating because of too much influence being exerted by the United States and European Union, as well as Afghans who grew up outside Afghanistan who do not have a deep understanding of the country.

"If the United States and the European Union don't support the mujahedeen, the Taliban will regain control slowly," he said.

Afghan President Hamid Karzai has offered peace talks and amnesty to Taliban fighters in an effort to bring them into mainstream politics. Governments and human rights groups are split on this tactic, with some refusing to deal at all with the extremist group and others acknowledging the difficulty of defeating it.

Iran 'baring its teeth' in Afghanistan, officials say

by Waheedullah Massoud - Sun Jul 1 - KABUL (AFP) - In public, Afghanistan has played down US and British allegations that Iran is feeding weapons to Taliban insurgents, but in private, officials here say the charges are true -- and worrying.

A serious debate is under way in President Hamid Karzai's administration about Iranian support to both the Taliban and emerging opposition political parties, several officials told AFP.

The government is in a difficult position: it is unwilling to sour relations with another neighbour or become involved in the heated US-Iran dispute, but it is also afraid Afghanistan will again become a battleground for more powerful nations.

US Defence Secretary Robert Gates said this month that given the large number of weapons coming into Afghanistan from Iran, it was hard to believe "that it's taking place without the knowledge of the Iranian government."

The charge is denied by Tehran as "100 percent lies." "We are seriously following the reports with concern," said Afghan foreign ministry spokesman Sultan Ahmad Baheen. "We want to continue our friendly relations with Iran."

Karzai has said there is no proof the Iranian-marked weapons are provided by Tehran. "Iran and Afghanistan have never been as friendly as they are today," he said earlier this month.

But a defence ministry general said the government had "evidence", including documents, to prove the weapons were coming into the country for the Taliban, with Tehran's knowledge.

The official, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter, would not give further details. Shiite Iran, a staunch opponent of the Sunni Taliban movement's 1996-2001 regime in Afghanistan, is playing a "three-pronged" game, he said.

"Iran's foreign ministry is staging a friendly-relations show with Afghanistan, supporting the Afghan government," he told AFP. Meanwhile, "Its religious armed forces and its intelligence is supporting political opponents of the government and, separately, helping Taliban."

The aim is in part to put pressure on the United States -- which is leading the drive to shut down Iran's nuclear programme -- by threatening the 27,000 US troops in Afghanistan fighting the Taliban.

"Iran is giving the option to the US that if it does not give Iran a green light on the nuclear issue and its role in the region, Iran can turn Afghanistan into a second Iraq or Vietnam for them," the general said.

Another military general who asked not to be named agreed, saying, "Iran is baring its teeth to the US at this stage" -- but is also capable of destabilising Afghanistan.

Afghanistan was the battleground in the 1980s of a "proxy war" between the United States and Russia -- a 10-year conflict that led to a ruinous civil war between CIA- and Pakistan-armed Islamist factions.

"Now, we must not fall prey to the US and nuclear Iran's war," the second general said.

Ahmad Behzad, a lawmaker from the western province of Herat on the border with Iran, said the weapons sent "a mere message for the targeted rivals telling them of its capabilities, suggesting that Iran can turn Afghanistan into Iraq if they want to."

This is part of a push to get US forces off Tehran's doorstep for multiple reasons, he said.

Iran sees the US presence in Afghanistan as a threat to its national security, despite Kabul's repeated pledges it would not allow its soil to be used for attacks against its neighbours.

The Islamic republic also believes it is a defender of the Muslim faith against US President George W. Bush's "crusade," said Behzad.

And it could be trying to destabilise Afghanistan because of a planned multi-billion-dollar gas pipeline from Central Asia to the sea that could transit through Afghanistan -- or Iran.

"Iran is boosting the tribal, ethnic and sectarian religious rivalry in Afghanistan to keep the country weak, insecure and to make the US and NATO fail here," Behzad said.

For political analyst and one-time anti-Soviet fighter Waheed Mujda, Iran is trying to make a statement with the weapons, as it could buy Russian weapons on the black market and arm the rebels "without anybody pointing fingers at them".

Iran and Afghanistan have deep ties. They speak the same language, share the same religion and a similar culture. Iran hosted millions of Afghan refugees during their homeland's years of war.

Tehran is extending its influence in Herat by promoting clerics who preach a pro-Iranian position and stir up feelings against foreign forces, and by building libraries that push its ideology, Behzad charged.

Iran's spy agency is active here and officials have visited the country to try to incite rebellion, said a member of Afghanistan's security council.

Police in the west of the country, which has seen a spike in Taliban-linked violence this year, say they know insurgents are getting support from across the border. There have also been reports of armed men arriving in Afghanistan from across the border.

In April, Karzai said information suggested "foreign embassies" were involved in the formation of a potentially powerful new opposition party.

But he has been careful not to annoy Iran, as his ties with Pakistan are in tatters amid recriminations about support for Taliban and Al-Qaeda fighters.

"The president is in a very difficult position," Jean MacKenzie, country director of the Institute for War and Peace, told AFP.

"He is isolated both within and without the country. Eastwards he has problems with Pakistan. Certainly he does not want to make more enemies."

Netherlands ponders extending Afghanistan mission

Paktribune 1 July 07

BRUSSELS: Dutch Defense Minister Eimert van Middelkoop said that he will investigate the possibility of extending the Dutch mission in Afghanistan beyond 2008, Radio Netherlands reported.

The Netherlands is under great pressure from the United States and some NATO allies to extend the mandate of some 1,400 troops in the southern Afghan province of Uruzgan. The troops' two-year mandate expires in August next year.

A recent opinion poll showed that a majority of the Dutch public opposes an extension of the mission. The troops were deployed as part of the expansion of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) into the more volatile south of Afghanistan .

Van Middelkoop said Friday that even if the Dutch troops stay on, the mission would have to be reduced as resources, in terms of both money and equipment, are stretched beyond their limit.

Certain Dutch duties would have to be undertaken on by other countries, he said. The cabinet is shortly due to open negotiations with NATO on the future of the mission.

Van Middelkoop said the government's decision to consider extending the mandate was important and that all parties would appreciate the importance of extending the mission.

Downer pledges extra $7m to Afghanistan

AAP 1 July 07 - smh.com.au - Foreign Minister Alexander Downer has announced an extra $7 million in aid to Afghanistan following a meeting with Afghanistan's President Hamid Karzai.

Mr Downer said the money demonstrated Australia's ongoing support for the "critical task of establishing peace and democracy".

"In a meeting with President Karzai today, I underlined Australia's resolve to support Afghanistan in the vital work of defeating the Taliban and establishing a secure and prosperous future," Mr Downer said in a statement.

"President Karzai conveyed his deep appreciation for Australia's sustained commitment to his country, and the significant contribution this is making.

"We agreed that significant challenges remain, which will only be overcome with ongoing international support and cooperation."

The money includes $2.5 million for the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund, which is administered by the World Bank and helps the government with reconstruction and building health and education services.

Another $2.5 million has been allocated to the UN Mine Action Centre for Afghanistan to help remove landmines and exploded ordinance. Mr Downer said Afghanistan was one of the world's most heavily mined countries following decades of conflict.

"Australia's contribution will provide mine risk education as well as assisting survivors recover and re-integrate into their communities," he said.

A further $1 million will go to the Asia Foundation to increase the Afghan Independent Electoral Commission's capability, and another $1 million to the Asian Development Bank to help Ministry of Finance staff improve their fiscal policy and strategic planning.

Mr Downer said Australia would create 20 new scholarships for Afghanis to undertake English language, trade and academic studies in Australia, at Mr Karzai's request.

The funding comes on top of a $150 million aid pledge in January 2006 to help improve security and services in Afghanistan, raise literacy and encourage alternatives to poppy production.

Pakistan Closes Two Camps for Afghan Refugees

By Lisa Schlein - VOA – Geneva 30 June 2007

Pakistan this weekend is closing two camps for Afghan refugees. The U.N. refugee agency is urging the government of Pakistan to make sure the closure goes peacefully. Violent clashes occurred in mid-May when Pakistan tried to close another camp for Afghan refugees. Lisa Schlein reports for VOA from UNHCR headquarters in Geneva.

The U.N. refugee agency says it does not want a replay of what happened in May, and it is calling for continued dialogue between the government and the refugees in the camps that are being closed.

U.N. refugee spokesman Ron Redmond tells VOA the camps host more than 82-thousand registered Afghans, most of whom are women, children and the elderly. "Overall, there has been a pretty good response from the Afghan community to the decision to consolidate camps in Pakistan. And a lot of the Afghans took the opportunity in advance of these camp closures to take advantage of various assistance programs being offered by UNHCR to actually go back to Afghanistan itself," he said.

Each Afghan refugee who decides to return home voluntarily with UNHCR assistance is given a cash grant of $100. The refugees also receive food, shelter materials and other items to help them get settled upon their return home.

The Pakistan government says it is closing the camps for security reasons. They are located along tribal areas in Pakistan's North West Frontier Province and Baluchistan, near the border with Afghanistan, an area where there are frequent clashes between Pakistan's military and militants.

Redmond says the UNHCR is closely monitoring the camp closures to make sure people are not forced back to Afghanistan against their will. The agency says the refugees have two options. Those wishing to return to Afghanistan can do so with UNHCR's help. And, those who are unable to return can choose to relocate to an existing camp in Pakistan designated by the government, which is in a more secure area.

Redmond said the refugees who decide to go home will not be returned to places in Afghanistan affected by conflict. "We do and have underlined our concerns about Afghanistan's deteriorating security situation and the limited absorption capacity of some areas of Afghanistan to accept people back in large numbers. And, we have discussed the implications of these problems with the Pakistanis as well as with the Afghans. And, we want to ensure that those who do go home are able to stay home," he said.

The UNHCR reports more than two million Afghan refugees are living temporarily in Pakistan. They have been given cards valid for three years. More than half of them live in urban areas.

Since the overthrow of the Taleban in 2002, the UNHCR has repatriated more than three million Afghans from Pakistan, making it one of the largest repatriation operations in the world.

Afghanistan lifts ban on Pak vehicles' entry

Islamabad, July 1 (ANI): Kabul has unconditionally revoked the ban imposed on the entry of Pakistani vehicles to Afghanistan.

Traffic between the two countries is likely to become normal from today.

The Afghan government banned entrance of Pakistani vehicles 15 days ago, but now it announced to lift the ban after successful negotiations at Spin Bolak in Afghanistan, The Nation quoted an official, as telling a private TV channel.

Taliban on the march in NWFP: Interior Ministry

Daily Times 1 July 07 - By Khalid Hasan

WASHINGTON: A special report, which the New York Times claims to have been shown, warned President General Pervez Musharraf this month that Islamic militants and Taliban fighters were rapidly spreading beyond the tribal areas and that without “swift and decisive action,” the growing militancy could engulf the rest of the country.

The report prepared by the Interior Ministry said that security forces in the NWFP were outgunned and outnumbered and had forfeited authority to the Taliban and their allies.

“The ongoing spell of active Taliban resistance has brought about serious repercussions for Pakistan,” according to the 15-page document. “There is a general policy of appeasement towards the Taliban, which has further emboldened them.” This report was taken up at the June 4 meeting of the National Security Council in Gen Musharraf’s presence. An unnamed Western diplomat called the document “an accurate description of the dagger pointed at the country’s heart,” adding: “It’s tragic it’s taken so long to recognise it.”

The NYT report filed from Pakistan said that the recognition of the scope of the extremists’ authority comes after heavy pressure on Pakistan from the United States to contain lawlessness in the tribal areas. According to the Interior Ministry report, even areas like Peshawar, Nowshera and Kohat are threatened by creeping Talibanisation.

The newspaper said the recent attempt on the life of Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao “shook his confidence in General Musharraf’s policy toward the militants, which has included a series of peace deals”. Since then, militants have filled a vacuum left by tribal leaders, who have taken a back seat, while the military has retreated to its barracks, say critics. The policy has been questioned by the United States and by some of Gen Musharraf’s own officers. The paper quotes Brig Mahmood Shah, who was in charge of security in the tribal areas until last year, as saying, “It’s a policy of appeasement. It hasn’t worked. The Talibanisation has increased in the past year.”

Interior Secretary Kamal Shah said on Thursday that in the aftermath of the ministry’s analysis, the government had taken several concrete steps to beef up forces in the region.

Thirty-one platoons of the Frontier Constabulary had been redeployed from elsewhere to the area where the tribal lands and NWFP meet. The Frontier Corps, which patrols the border with Afghanistan, is being strengthened, as is the police. “We’re getting more mobility, more equipment and more transport,” he added. Peace committees made up of local tribes are being mobilised.

The Interior Ministry document gives the names of well-known Taliban commanders as well as those of lesser-known militants who lead the Taliban patrols responsible for assassinations and suicide bombings in smaller jurisdictions in the NWFP.

Two injured as bomb goes off in Peshawar

The News International 1 July 07 - By our correspondent

PESHAWAR: Two persons sustained minor injuries and four vehicles were damaged when a bomb went off inside a bus parked at a bus stand here on Saturday evening.

The incident occurred at around 7.50pm at the crowded bus stand, called Lahore Adda, on GT Road. The bus was due to leave for Lahore at 10 pm and was parked in a corner at the time of the incident. The explosion also partially damaged three other vehicles parked nearby.

Two persons, who sustained injuries in the blast, were identified as manager of the stand, Zia, and driver Amanullah. The explosive was stated to be locally made and believed to be planted to create harassment. The blast created panic among hundreds of people who were waiting at the stand to catch vehicles for their destinations.

The blast was the 18th in Peshawar since September last year. Some 58 people have been killed in the blasts and over 108 have sustained injuries.

Lal Masjid mullahs warn Musharraf

Daily Times 1 July 07

ISLAMABAD: The Lal Masjid on Saturday threatened forceful retaliation if the government launches an operation against it after President General Pervez Musharraf said it housed suicide bombers.

“We have read the statement by Mr Musharraf and we want to warn him that in case of an operation against our mosque and the seminary we will put up a very forceful retaliation,” Abdul Rashid Ghazi, from Islamabad’s Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafsa madrassa, told AFP. Gen Musharraf said a day earlier that many potential suicide bombers were inside the mosque, and militants linked to extremist groups, including Al Qaeda, were hiding in the mosque with explosives and could cause havoc in the event of an armed operation against them. afp

Commentator says Pakistan needs democracy to fight Talebanization

Text of report by Pakistani newspaper Dawn website

[Correcting headline, sourceline, and text to replace spelling of "Taliban" and "Talibanization" with "Taleban" and "Talebanization"; corrected version follows]

Text of article by Javid Husain headlined "Threat of Talebanization" published by Pakistani newspaper Dawn website on 29 June

The National Security Council [NSC], in its meeting held on 4 June, was reportedly briefed on the menace of creeping Talebanization which, according to the high-level presentation made on the occasion, could pose a serious threat to national security.

It was pointed out that the foreign occupation of Afghanistan, Pakistan's alliance with the United States in the war on terror, long-festering disputes in the Muslim world and a growing feeling among the Muslims that they were under attack from the West had contributed to growing militancy in the region. While referring to the growing extremism and militancy in FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] and the adjoining settled districts, the presentation called for immediate action to eliminate this phenomenon before it was too late. The briefing coming from a military regime was full of irony, contradictions and half-truths.

It has become fashionable in Pakistan to lay the blame for Talebanization at the doorstep of the Afghan jihad against the Soviet occupation. This is only partially true. Pakistan, aided by the United States, many Muslim countries and other members of the international community, did extend valuable assistance to the Afghan mojahedin in their struggle to liberate their homeland. Both the Afghan jihad and the assistance provided to it were justified as a historical necessity to stop the Soviet advance into the heartland of the Muslim world. This had started with the occupation of Central Asia by the Czarist Russia in the 19th century. While the Afghan jihad was crowned with success, with the Soviet withdrawing in 1989, Pakistan had to face the repercussions of its support to it in the form of extremism, militancy and the easy availability of guns. The end of the Afghan jihad also coincided with the start of the freedom movement in Indian-occupied Kashmir [Indian-administered Kashmir].

For well-known reasons, the trend towards growing extremism and militancy in Pakistan was maintained as the freedom struggle in Indian-held Kashmir [Indian-administered Kashmir], which was essentially indigenous in character, gathered momentum.

As if this were not enough, Pakistan was also dragged into the civil war in Afghanistan, which ensued after the fall of the Najibullah regime in 1992 and led to the emergence of the Taleban in 1994. The support that the Taleban received from official and non-official quarters in Pakistan in their fight against the regime of Burhanuddin Rabbani and the forces of Ahmad Shah Masood had far-reaching implications for Pakistan's internal peace and harmony.

There is little doubt that this support, more than anything else, promoted extremism and militancy in the country, brutalized Pakistani society through encouraging the Kalashnikov culture, and sowed the seeds of creeping Talebanization which threatens Pakistan now.

The policy of support to the Taleban was championed in Pakistan by a powerful section of the establishment both on the military and civilian sides (including most of the leadership of the Foreign Ministry at that time), who lacked the vision or the foresight to anticipate its adverse repercussions on Pakistan's internal situation.

However, considering that the operational aspects of Pakistan's Kashmir and Afghanistan policies have remained firmly in the hands of the military establishment since the days of Gen Zia ul Haq, it would have to shoulder most of the blame for this ill-considered support for the Taleban. Predictably, this policy of support was continued by the government of Gen Musharraf till the American ultimatum forced a U-turn soon after the events of 11 September 2001.

The problem of creeping Talebanization, thus, can be directly traced to Pakistan's policy of support to the Taleban pursued from 1995 to 2001 with scant regard to its dangerous repercussions for Pakistan at the international, regional and national levels. It is, therefore, ironical now to listen to sermons from Gen Musharraf and his supporters on the dangers of Talebanization for Pakistan's security, and on the benefits of moderation and enlightenment for our country.

The risks involved in our pro-Taleban policy for Pakistan's internal situation could have been minimized if we had a stable and vibrant democratic set-up, capable of filtering out negative repercussions through vigorous political debate, and free and fair elections, thus allowing the moderate tendencies of the people of Pakistan to prevail. Instead, during most of the 1990s Pakistan was saddled with unstable civilian governments and, after 12 October 1999, by a military dictatorship.

The civilian governments lacked the political strength to control these negative repercussions because of their inherent instability and also because of the autonomous character of the military establishment which effectively controlled Pakistan's Afghanistan and Kashmir policies. The situation worsened after the military takeover of October 1999, as the two mainstream moderate political forces were sidelined by Gen Musharraf's government. The resultant vacuum was filled by extremist religious forces. Little wonder that we see in the country extremism on the ascendancy and creeping Talebanization.

The briefing in the NSC, therefore, told only half the story when it attributed growing Talebanization in Pakistan to the foreign occupation of Afghanistan, Pakistan's alliance with the United States in the war on terror, long-festering disputes in the Muslim world and a growing feeling among the Muslims that they were under attack from the West.

While these factors are undoubtedly relevant to the phenomenon of growing Talebanization, it is necessary to underscore that the present military regime, under the guise of democracy, is equally to blame for the deplorable internal situation in which Pakistan currently finds itself. A military regime, which lacks grassroots political support and relies on patronage and coercion for its survival, is ill-suited for overcoming the problem of growing extremism and militancy which, in the ultimate analysis, is a political problem.

Unfortunately, according to the report carried by the press, the NSC briefing treated Talebanization primarily as a purely law and order problem, even though the law and order machinery can, at best, provide temporary relief in dealing with such problems. Instead, we need to adopt a comprehensive strategy if we are serious about overcoming the problem of creeping Talebanization or growing extremism and militancy in different parts of Pakistan. The strategy must cover the political, administrative, security, educational, economic and foreign policy dimensions of the problem. Perhaps the most important element in this anti-Talebanization strategy should be the restoration of a democratic framework in the country in place of the current political dispensation dominated by the military. This democratic framework must encompass the restoration of the Constitution as it was on 12 October 1999, free and fair elections under the supervision of an independent and powerful election commission and the return of the armed forces to the barracks to concentrate on their professional duties in accordance with their oath and the relevant constitutional provisions. It must also encompass an independent judiciary, the rule of law, an independent press and the adherence of political parties to the rules of the game, in which the majority is allowed to rule the country for a specified period, and presents itself for accountability by the people in elections thereafter. In addition, Gen Musharraf must take off his uniform, allow political leaders in exile to take part in the forthcoming general elections and present himself for election as the president by the new assemblies after general elections, if he is interested in being elected to that position.

This, however, would require the highly desirable process of political reconciliation in the country rather than a policy of confrontation, which Gen Musharraf has pursued so far vis-à-vis the opposition, especially the two mainstream political parties and their leaders in exile.

Of course, the political steps enumerated above must be supplemented by other measures in the administrative, security, educational and economic spheres to root out the problem of Talebanization in the country. The thrust of these measures should be to encourage moderation and enlightenment through a conducive administrative, legal and security environment and a programme of educational reform while remaining faithful to our core religious and cultural values. These reforms must be supported by economic measures to enhance public welfare, in contrast with the current military government's past policy of neglecting issues of concern to the common man. This resulted in increasing inequalities of income and wealth in the country and the growing misery of the average Pakistani.

Finally, there is no doubt that the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, Washington's hegemonic policies in the Middle East, its support to Israel's policy of occupation and persecution in the Palestinian territories and the disturbed conditions in Afghanistan have fanned the fires of extremism and militancy in the Muslim world, including Pakistan. The briefing in the NSC recognised this problem, but apparently failed to recommend any remedial measures. The situation calls for a reconsideration of our foreign policy to bring it in line with long-term national interests on the basis of a well thought-out grand strategy. The limited space of this column does not allow the elaboration of the essential elements of such a grand strategy. However, we must tell Washington in no uncertain terms that while we will continue to be a partner in the war on terror, the United States has a corresponding obligation to eschew its own extremism and bias against the Muslims in dealing with issues of concern to them.

Further, since the fighting in Afghanistan has a direct fallout in Pakistan, especially in its tribal areas, in the form of increased militancy, we should also call for the restoration of peace and harmony through a process of national reconciliation and an agreed power-sharing formula among the various political forces in Afghanistan, leading to the withdrawal [of] foreign forces from there as soon as possible.

It should be obvious by now that the coalition forces, that are seen as occupation forces by many in Afghanistan, have themselves become the problem rather than the solution as regards insecurity in that country.

Editorial: Focus on Pak-Afghan relations

Dawn 1 July 07 - By Vaseem Jafarey

THERE is a strange incongruity between the affinity and friendship existing between the peoples of Pakistan and Afghanistan and the hostility, suspicion and constant bickering which characterise the relations between the governments of the two countries.

At the level of the people, there has been intermingling, common history and friendly contact stretching over centuries.

The first Mughal emperor, Babar is buried in Kabul. An iconic figure of Muslim rule in Northern India is Sher Shah Suri, an Afghan born in India. Numerous families in Pakistan and Northern India are proud to claim their Pashtun descent. Allama Iqbal dedicated his magnum opus, ‘Javed Nama’, to the king of Afghanistan. Lately, millions of Afghan refugees have found friendly shelter in Pakistan.

In sharp contrast, the relations between the two governments have been strained, troublesome and even bitter ever since Pakistan won independence in 1947. Nevertheless, disturbed inter-governmental relations did not have any catastrophic consequences, such as war. The problems between the two countries were of interest only to themselves or their immediate neighbours.

Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and subsequent developments, however, Pak-Afghan relations have assumed critical importance, with wide implications for world peace. A review of mistakes made by the two governments is essential because these errors partly contributed to the disastrous foreign interventions suffered by Afghanistan, with grave repercussions for Pakistan.

The principal cause of dispute between the two governments before the Soviet intervention was Afghanistan’s refusal to accept the Durand Line as the border between the two countries along with the support that the Afghan government gave to the Pakhtunistan movement. The dispute did not cause much physical damage. Casualties and destruction of property was minimal. It was largely a propaganda war with minor clashes and provocations dominating the proceedings.

The harm done was mainly in destroying friendship and trust between the two governments and generating hostility and suspicion, which hampered joint efforts to deal with common problems. Afghanistan was unwise in pursuing its claims in an aggressive manner. Boundary disputes are numerous, all over the world but do not lead, except rarely, to war and enmity. Given the relative size and strength of the two countries, it was impossible for Afghanistan to coerce Pakistan into surrendering a large part of its territory.

There was no international support for Afghanistan’s claims. The tribal population concerned were quite content with the status quo, which provided them the amenities of a soft border, with the solid benefits of Pakistani citizenship along with tribal autonomy. The Afghans could have kept their claim alive, as a matter of principle, as is done by most countries in disputes over borders drawn up in colonial days.

On the other side, Pakistan was wrong in treating the protest against the Durand Line as evidence of basic hostility or a threat to its territorial integrity. Pakistan’s reaction should have been more mature and restrained. Pakistan policymakers should have realised that the demand was being made by a small elite ruling group in Afghanistan for domestic political reasons, and was partly reflecting the traditional Afghan psyche which distrusts immediate neighbours (as most likely invade them) and, therefore, to be kept at a distance. We seem to ignore the fact that Afghanistan amply demonstrated its friendship for Pakistan when it scrupulously kept Pakistan’s western borders quiet during the two Indo-Pakistan wars.

Pakistan, with its greater size and advanced economy, should have pursued a policy of friendship and cooperation and played down the differences over the Durand Line. This may have dissuaded Afghanistan from becoming over-dependent on military and economic assistance from the Soviet bloc, which clearly facilitated the Soviet interventions from 1973 onwards.

Since there is no public access to the archives of the two governments, it is not possible to review all the ups and downs of the Pak-Afghan relationship between 1947 and 1973. A low point was reached when diplomatic relations were broken in 1959. However, a rapprochement was in sight in 1973, when a new, broad-based economic agreement was negotiated between the two governments.

A high-level Pakistan delegation, headed by Mr Feroze Kaiser, special assistant to the prime minister, set out one fine morning from Peshawar for Kabul to finalise and sign the agreement. However, when the delegation reached the border at Torkham, it was turned back by the Afghan guards who said that the old government had been overthrown. It is curious that the information gatherers in Pakistan were totally unaware that a revolution was brewing in Afghanistan.

The first step in Soviet intrusion into Afghanistan, culminating in invasion and occupation, was taken in 1973 when the monarchy was abolished and Sardar Daud came to power, with the aid of the communist parties. In important respects, Pakistan played an honourable and helpful role. It became the channel for western and Arab assistance to the Afghan freedom fighters and generously provided shelter to millions of Afghan refugees.

However, forgetting the lessons of Afghan history that foreign intervention in Afghan’s internal affairs is disastrous for everyone, the policymakers in Pakistan began to favour selected Afghan fighting groups with a view to ensuring a friendly government in post-war Afghanistan.

There was talk of acquiring strategic depth through Afghanistan which came dangerously close to the idea of setting up a satellite state.

The pursuit of this objective led to serious mistakes in dealing with Afghan affairs, culminating in the alliance with the Taliban, initially with the support of US. The scale of assistance given by Pakistan to the Talibans remains a secret but this help clearly enabled the Taliban to establish their authority over practically the whole of Afghanistan. Inevitably, the Taliban, once fully established, began to behave independently, rejecting the suggestions and advice of Pakistan and thus slipping out of the control of Islamabad.

The consequences of creating Taliban power (with its alliance with militants from other Muslim countries) has been disastrous both for Pakistan and Afghanistan with worldwide repercussions.

Currently, a UN-backed strategy is being implemented to stabilise Afghanistan and establish a western model democratic state. Despite being broad-based and enjoying international support, the plan has run into serious difficulties. It is perhaps doomed to failure, unless substantially modified. The Afghans dislike external intervention in their domestic affairs and hate the presence of foreign soldiers on their soil. Even if the Taliban insurgency can be crushed totally, the military operations may have created a reservoir of hatred which will erupt sooner or later and wipe out all the gains.

Pakistan, with its greater resources and size must take the lead in forging a common front. As an immediate measure, Pakistan must stop the forced expulsion of Afghan refugees. We are tarnishing a long and honourable record of hospitality to a truly oppressed people.

The two countries must make an effort to secure a reduction in the foreign military component and ultimate phase it out. Aggressive military action which cause heavy civilian casualties do more harm than good for the common cause of restoring stability in Afghanistan and should stop.

Every effort should be made to securing the agreement and support of tribal leaders. Given Afghanistan’s topography and traditions, the consent of tribal leaders is essential to secure the support of the Afghan people.

The basis of agreement should be that there will be no interference with local autonomy but the tribal councils must ensure that no activities prejudicial to other areas or foreign countries would be permitted.

We should not expect instantaneous success and should not be discouraged by the setbacks in Waziristan. It should be realised that securing tribal cooperation is the only viable strategy which can bring success in the long run. Where the tribes are violating the agreement, non-military measures can be used to coerce them to comply e.g. stoppage of supplies, interdiction of movement, withholding of assistance. Economic sanctions can be effective without causing humiliation or arousing anger.

There should be no effort to impose a western political mode on the Afghans. They enjoyed decades of stability under a monarchical system where the king was a symbol of national identity and unity, central control was relaxed and maximum local autonomy was allowed. The developments since 1973 make it impossible to restore the old order but the Afghan preference for local autonomy and aversion to strong central control should be respected.

It will be impossible to eliminate the Taliban physically. The endeavour should be to bring them under control through tribal discipline and strict enforcement of laws. In the past, Afghanistan has managed to control Islamic militants in its own way. Although the locale was in Pakistan’s tribal area, the case of the Faqir of Ipi is illustrative. It shows that despite the best efforts of the British and later the Pakistan government, how difficult it was to capture an individual rebel.

On the other hand, the threat of a religious dictatorship, posed by the Faqir of Ipi faded away because of the strength of the tribal system and the old style political management by government.

In conclusion, an important lesson to be drawn is that decisions on national strategy taken by a small group without consultation even within the government and keeping the public in ignorance or misinformed have led to several mega disasters. The heavy price paid for the errors, committed by a few hundred men, has to be borne by the whole nation.

Bomber’s End: Flash of Terror, Humble Grave

NY Times - By BARRY BEARAK Published: July 1, 2007 Joao Silva for The New York Times

KABUL, Afghanistan, June 30 — The two men had come to the common end of all human journeys. Their bodies, swathed in bloody white sheets, lay on a rocky hillside. Awaiting them were two thin rectangles of shallow graves. The city of Kabul was responsible for the burial. No mullah had been asked to preside over this earthly farewell.

“One of these guys needs a smaller hole,” one gravedigger said, laughing.

The bigger of the bodies belonged to an old man, Khan Mir. His body had gone unclaimed, and the obligations of an Islamic funeral were forgone because he was a pauper. The identity of the other man was unknown. He was only half a body really, a headless torso with but a right arm and a right leg. His interment was meant to be ignominious because he was a suicide bomber, or yak enteher kunenda.

“Cover them with rocks and throw on the dirt,” the chief gravedigger called out. In Kabul, the burial of a suicide bomber occurs at a secret time in a secret place, the forgettable end to what most here consider an unforgivable act. Of course, it is easier to bury the remains of a bomber than the fearsome consequences of the bombing. At least 193 suicide attacks have been reported in Afghanistan during the past 18 months, enough to contaminate much of the nation with the persisting malady of terror.

The Taliban and other insurgents may control only a fraction of this country, but their campaign of fear — reiterated with suicide bombings, roadside explosions, rocket attacks and assassinations — has proved an effective menace. These tactics inhibit travel. They slow development. They shake confidence in the government. In a nation that has known war for nearly 30 straight years, they leave the future as unpredictable as the past.

The supply of suicide bombers appears to be unending, and countermeasures are hard to conceive. The Ministry of Defense sponsors a television advertisement intended to denounce such attacks. In the spot, a mullah arrives at graveside to oversee a burial. When he is told the deceased is a suicide bomber, he waves his hand derisively, proclaiming as he stalks off: “We do not say funeral prayers for someone who kills himself. We are Muslims, and Islam does not allow anyone to shed either his own blood or that of his brothers.”

This is hardly a unanimous interpretation, however. On this topic, the vocabulary itself is hotly contested, for there are those who believe suicide bombers are martyrs whose sacrificial deaths are lavishly rewarded by God in paradise. “Suicide is condemned in Islam, but it is not for me to judge whether a man blows himself up as a matter of suicide or in the righteousness of jihad,” said Noor ul-Haq, a mullah in Kabul.

His tiny mosque, Masjid-e-Fazilbeg, sits along Company Road, where on June 16 a man driving a taxi blew himself up near a military convoy. Five people died. Four were passers-by; the other was the bomber, left with only a right arm and a right leg.

Tracing the worldly disposition of his remains required an endeavor. Afghanistan’s government, not known for efficiency, is accomplished with red tape. Permissions to attend the burial were needed from the Ministry of Public Health, the Ministry of the Interior, the National Security Directorate and the municipality of Kabul.

“Yes, we do have a procedure for suicide bombers,” Mahtabuddin Ahmadi, director of the city’s Culture Department, said confidently of the burials, which are conducted by his agency. “The body is washed according to Islamic custom and then when we bury it, there is a mullah who says the appropriate prayers.”

But as he described the practice, one of his assistants shook his head no and politely corrected his boss. Finally, the director confessed, “I don’t know what we do.”

Actually, the body is first given a medical examination. Dr. Muhammad Mohsin Sherzai did the autopsy, which took less than 30 minutes. “We have limited staff and equipment,” he said apologetically. “The police would like to know the man’s identity. But we have no facilities for DNA testing. What we discover is very little.”

An assistant opened a refrigerated locker and rolled the body out on a sliding tray. The discolored remains were loosely encased in plastic. Dr. Sherzai pointed to the midsection: “It’s a male, as you see. We know his blood group. He was probably 30 or 35.”

Then he shrugged. The body remained at the autopsy center for 11 days, allowing time for someone to claim it. Permission for burial was then sent to the Culture Department, which in turn notified the police and the national intelligence agency.

Finally, the body was loaded into an ambulance to be taken to a clandestine cemetery. The white vehicle had black lettering on both sides, which said that it had been “donated by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.” Dr. Sherzai found this an amusing coincidence. Many Afghans believe the suicide bombers come from that same place.

This is certainly the view at the intelligence agency, where officials routinely tie much of the Taliban insurgency to the government of its distrusted neighbor. Pakistan emphatically denies such broad allegations, but there is no doubt that many suicide attackers originate from its midst.

Intelligence officials here on occasion open their detention center to a journalist, allowing interviews with prisoners. The lockup is a busy place with small, crowded cells. On Thursday, officials said, the inmates included 11 Pakistanis and 14 Afghans who were thwarted suicide bombers. Two who were arrested on June 18 were Pakistanis.

“My target was Gul Agha Sherzai, the governor of Nangarhar Province,” said a 17-year-old who uses the single name Farmanullah. Though the interview was unmonitored, the teenager nevertheless made exaggerated efforts to sound contrite. He presented himself as little more than a specimen of cannon fodder.

Pakistani members of the Taliban “came to my high school to recruit volunteers and told us if you didn’t join the jihad, you would go to hell and never see the brides in paradise,” he said. So he underwent suicide training in the Pakistani tribal areas.

But now hindsight, as well as capture, had made Farmanullah realize he was being used as a political plaything, he said. “We were told that everyone in Afghanistan was an infidel,” he said. “Now I know this is not so.”

Farmanullah’s accomplice in the planned attack was another 17-year-old, Abdul Quddus, who was spoken to separately. Suicide bombers are often disdainfully described here as impoverished, uneducated and physically or mentally handicapped. But Mr. Quddus said he was the son of a businessman in Peshawar and the graduate of a good private high school. His diction displayed refinement. His bearing was calm and prideful.

He said he had been attending a madrasa, or religious school, near the border and later agreed to take a blindfolded journey to a far-off camp for suicide bombers. He spent 40 days there with 20 other young men, he said. “There are two types of bombs,” he said. “One has a button, the other a fuse like a hand grenade. Explosives are packed in waistcoats that look completely normal. The maximum is 11 kilos, the minimum is 6,” a range of 13 to 24 pounds.

He was carrying such a coat in a bag when stopped by policemen in Jalalabad. His arrest had not entirely doused his jihadi enthusiasms.

At first, he said he was sorry he had not completed his suicidal mission. Then he expressed ambivalence.

“At the training camp I had allowed myself to become too emotional,” he said, mentioning that movies he had been shown were probably one-sided and had overstoked his zealotry. But while he was now glad he had not killed the Afghan governor, some of his suicidal resolve remained. “U.S. soldiers are still killing Muslims,” he said. “I still believe in jihad against America, and some things are worth death.”

Many others before him have paid that price. The ambulance moved through central Kabul, where in wealthier enclaves the fear of suicide bombers is evident in antiblast walls, massive twists of barbed wire and guards wielding machine guns at gated checkpoints. The vehicle then bumped along dirt roads toward the city’s outskirts. A dust storm was kicking up, and the gravediggers were impatient.

“Why isn’t everything ready?” demanded Ghulam Sarwar, the leader of the crew.

These were coarse men, accustomed to off-color banter. Routine had conquered any reverence they might have felt for the dead, though they did interrupt their raunchy humor when it was time to put the bodies in the graves.

As the old pauper was lowered into the ground, Khwaja Nuruddin, representing the city’s Culture Department, swiftly mumbled: “God is great. There is only one God but God, and Muhammad is his prophet.” But when the suicide bomber was laid to rest, only the insistent wind broke the silence.

Pieces of slate were positioned to cover the rectangular plots, with small rocks used to fill any gaps. Then the graves were sealed with mud that had been made by emptying a 10-gallon jug of water into a small pile of excavated soil.

With the work finally finished, Mr. Nuruddin brushed the dust from his gray business suit. He then paused to consider the situation and opted to recite a few Koranic verses, standing first by the suicide attacker’s grave, then by the pauper’s.

He wondered aloud if even this was too much Islamic ceremony for a man who had converted himself into a bomb. But he declared that he was not sorry he had gone ahead. “After all,” he said, “the man was a human being.”

[Disclaimer: The content of this news bulletin does not necessarily reflect the view or policy of the Afghan Government, unless specifically stated as such. The collection of articles and commentaries from Afghan and international news sources is provided for informational purposes, and accuracy of the news is the responsibility of the original source.]